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Armenians in the
Middle East
The
Armenian communities in the Middle East experienced their greatest change
in the last one hundred years. The Armenian communities in the Arab world
received a large percentage of the refugees and survivors of the massacres
and genocide. They increased the numbers of the Armenians in Egypt, Greater
Syria, Mesopotamia, Sudan and Ethiopia. The European mandates enabled the
Armenians to make advances in the economic and administrative sectors and
to establish cultural and political associations. Egypt, with its strong
Armenian community, was the guiding head of the Armenians in the Arab world
until the mid-twentieth century. At the start of the twentieth century the
Egyptian Armenians found a new leader, Boghos Nubar, the son of Nubar Pasha.
Boghos had studied agriculture and engineering in Switzerland and France.
Upon his return, he had served as the director of the Egyptian railways
and had supervised the irrigation plan for the Sudan. He had become a banker
and corporate officer in a number of companies and, like his father, was
granted the title of pasha. The massacres of the Armenians in 1895-1896
in Turkey and especially the Armeno-Azeri clashes in Transcaucasia, beginning
in 1905, had a sobering effect on the Armenian middle class of Egypt. Liberals
and disenchanted socialists felt that there was a need for a world-wide
Armenian philanthropic organization. On Easter day (April 15), 1906, ten
Armenian professionals met at Boghos Nubar's mansion in Cairo and drafted
the by-laws of the Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU).
Although initially there were some plans for the AGBU to also act as a political
assembly, the idea was immediately abandoned--that role was soon taken up
by the Sahmanadir Ramkavar party. The AGBU's mission was to help the Armenians
in historic Armenia by establishing or subsidizing schools, libraries, workshops,
hospitals, and orphanages. It was to provide the peasants with land, seeds,
animals, and tools and to assist in time of fire, famine, earthquakes, and
other natural or man-made disasters. The aid was for all Armenians, regardless
of religious or political affiliation. By 1913 the AGBU had 142 chapters
in Europe, America, Africa, and the Ottoman Empire. During the genocide
it lost all of its eighty chapters in the Ottoman Turkey. The first decade
after the First World War was spent locating orphans and creating orphanages
and hospitals. Refugees had to be sheltered and when the Near East Relief
withdrew from the Arab lands, AGBU and other Armenian organizations replaced
it. The emergence of many new communities, most in dire need, diverted the
efforts of Armenian cultural and philanthropic organizations to select parts
of the Middle East, Europe and the Americas. As the Bolsheviks consolidated
their power in Armenia, it became increasingly difficult for outside organizations
to work there, and although the AGBU managed to help Armenia, it concentrated
its efforts in the Diaspora. At the end of the British protectorate of Egypt
in 1922 the AGBU headquarters moved to Paris and after the Second World
War to the United States.
The departure of AGBU did not adversely affect the Armenian community of
Egypt. The role of the Armenians in the Egyptian government, as well as
prosperous Armenian businesses, helped that country remain a major Armenian
center, where numerous schools, churches, and newspapers guided the 40,000
Armenians living in Cairo and Alexandria. The political changes in Egypt
following the military uprising in 1952 and the economic policies of Egyptian
president Nasser after 1956, forced the emigration of many Armenians to
Europe, Australia, and the United States. At present there are only some
5000 Armenians left in Egypt, primarily in Cairo. Despite the decline of
its Armenian community, Egypt remains an important and active Armenian cultural
center.
The much smaller community in Ethiopia received new immigrants at the start
of the century and built a church and a number of schools. The Ethiopian
Armenians gained favor with Emperor Haile Selassie and an Armenian, Kevork
Nalbandian, even composed the former national anthem of Ethiopia. The military
revolution there (1974), which nationalized Armenian businesses, reduced
the community from some 1,000 to 150 members. The Armenians of Sudan were
centered in Khartoum where they built a church. The civil war in Sudan,
which began in the late 1980s has drastically reduced the numbers of that
community as well.
The Armenian communities of Palestine and Jordan, which were never large,
also attracted some refugees from Turkey who laid the foundations for new
centers in Jerusalem, Haifa, and Amman. The short-lived security during
the British Mandate soon gave way to Arab-Jewish strife. Following the establishment
of the State of Israel in 1948 and the Arab-Israeli wars, many Armenians
emigrated to Europe, United States, and more peaceful centers in the Middle
East. The majority of the Armenians of that region are primarily involved
in the religious and scholarly activities surrounding the Armenian patriarchate
of Jerusalem.
Most of the Armenian survivors of the massacres and genocide settled in
modem Syria, mainly in Aleppo. The new arrivals were aided by Armenian and
American missionary and philanthropic organizations and succeeded in invigorating
the earlier settlements and creating one of the most active Armenian Diasporas
in the twentieth century. In many ways the Armenian schools, churches, centers,
and hospitals in Syria, especially in Aleppo and its environs, became the
inspiration and models for the Armenian communities of Beirut, Baghdad,
Jerusalem, and Amman during the second half of the twentieth century. Until
the end of the Second World War, the region was under British and French
mandates. Fortunately the area did not become a theater of war during the
Second World War and actually benefited from the material and personnel,
which were concentrated there to repulse the Germans from North Africa.
Armenians, Assyrians, Christian Arabs, and a number of non-Sunni Muslim
sects such as the Druzes, 'Alawis, and Isma'ilis, were favored by and cooperated
with the Europeans. Syria's independence in 1944 did not threaten the well-being
of the Armenian community which continued to grow to some 75,000. The revolution
of 1958 and the creation of the United Arab Republic with Egypt, as well
as the military coup of 1963, not only hurt Armenian businesses, but restricted
Armenian cultural activities. Some emigrated to Lebanon, others to the United
States. Luckily, Syria soon abandoned the political and economic programs
of Egypt and starting in 1971 President Hafez al-Assad reformed the extreme
policies of the Ba'th Party and created a more tolerant Syria, where social
programs and businesses have striven to sustain the large population growth
of the country. The 'Alawis are in charge of major government posts and
the Armenians are treated well. In Aleppo alone there are some 40,000 Armenians
who utilize Armenian centers, ten schools, a hospital, and organize numerous
community-sponsored events. The community in Damascus has also grown in
the last quarter of a century and new Armenian businesses have managed to
stop the flow of emigration. In fact Armenians from Lebanon, Iraq, and Kuwait,
who have fled turmoil in those countries, have settled, temporarily or permanently,
in Damascus. Syria, with over 100,000 Armenians has, at present, the largest
Armenian community in the Arab world.
The Armenians of Lebanon were, for a time, the most important Armenian community
outside of the Soviet Union and the United States. The core of the modem
community also arrived as a result of massacres and genocide in Turkey.
By 1926 there were some 75,000 Armenians in Lebanon and the Lebanese Constitution
granted them and other minorities civil rights, which, in time, enabled
the Armenians to elect their own members of parliament. The country's geographic
location and the security offered by the French, as well as its Christian-dominated
government, attracted more Armenians there and in 1930 the catholicosate
of Cilicia moved to Antelias, outside of Beirut. Armenian Catholic and Evangelical
Churches also established centers in Beirut. In 1939 the sanjak of Alexandretta,
which includes Musa Dagh, was transferred to Turkey. As a result 30,000
Armenians moved into Syria and Lebanon. The Armenians of Musa Dagh settled
in the highlands of Anjar. Armenians rose swiftly to economic and social
prominence, and Lebanon's liberal government made it possible for all Armenian
political parties to establish themselves. During the short-lived Lebanese
civil strife of 1958 the Armenians split and sided with both factions. By
1974 there were over 200,000 Armenians, who had two dozen churches, some
seventy schools, including institutions of higher learning, such as the
Haigazian College, founded in 1955 by the Armenian Missionary Association
of America and the Union of the Armenian Evangelical Churches in the Near
East. In addition there were more than fifty athletic, compatriotic, and
benevolent organizations, and numerous literary and cultural periodicals
and newspapers. The Lebanese civil war from 1974-1989 took its toll and
although Armenians remained neutral and much of their community infrastructure
remained undamaged, thousands left for safer shores, especially the United
States. Some 75,000 have remained and thanks to their neutrality and the
efforts of their leaders, have played a role in the Syrian-backed National
Accord Document, and are once again enjoying the benefits of Lebanon's unique
situation. Forty-seven Armenian schools and numerous associations and organizations,
including an Armenian Fund for Economic Development are putting the community
on the road to recovery with members in parliament and the central government.
The Armenians in Iraq arrived primarily in the 1920's and, during the British
mandate, established communities in Baghdad, Mosul, and Basra. Armenians
were engaged in private businesses, worked in technical, administrative
and financial positions for the British Petroleum Company, or participated
in the trade between the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean. Even after
Iraq achieved its independence in 1932, the British presence did not end
and the Armenians continued to enjoy the benefits of Iraq's economic rise,
especially since they, unlike the Assyrians and Kurds, did not engage in
antigovernment and nationalist activities and were viewed as loyal citizens.
Armenian businesses, churches, schools, and organizations grew until there
were some 35,000 Armenians in that country. The revolution of 1958 and the
subsequent radical policies of the Ba'th Party forced the migration of many
Armenians from Iraq to Lebanon, Kuwait, United States, and the Gulf States.
During the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988) Armenians were drafted and killed both
in the Iranian and Iraqi forces. The difficult political and economic conditions,
combined with the disastrous Gulf War, spelled the doom of the Armenian
community of Iraq. Many emigrated or have temporarily abandoned the unstable
situation. Less than 10,000 Armenians remain in 1raq today.
By the twentieth century, Iran, like Egypt, was a major center of Armenian
life in the Middle East. As we have seen, by the end of the nineteenth century,
there were some 100,000 Armenians in Iran. The proximity of the Armenians
in Iranian Azerbaijan to Transcaucasia and eastern Anatolia brought them
under the influence of the political activitics of Russian and Turkish Armenians.
Armenakan, Hnchak and Dashnak cells opened in Tabriz and Salinas and a number
of Armenian revolutionaries sought refuge from the tsarist and Turkish police
there. The massacres of 1895-1896 brought Armenian refugees to northwestern
Iran. The Revolution of 1905 in Russia had a major effect on northern Iran
and, in 1906, Iranian liberals and revolutionaries, joined by many Armenians,
demanded a constitution in Iran. Although the shah signed the document,
his successor dissolved the maflis or parliament and it was only in 1909
that the revolutionaries forced the crown to give up some of its prerogatives.
The role of Armenian military units under the command of leaders such as
Yeprem Khan and Keri, in the Iranian Constitutional Movement is well-documented.
Thousands of Armenians had escaped to Iran during the genocide. The Turkish
invasion of Iranian Azerbaijan during World War One devastated a number
of Armenian communities in that region, such as Khoi. The community experienced
a political rejuvenation with the arrival of the Dashnak leadership from
Armenia in 1921. The establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty began a new era
for the Armenians. The modernization efforts of Reza Shah (1924-1941) and
Mohammad Reza Shah (1941-1979) gave the Armenians ample opportunities for
advancement. Armenian contacts with the West and their linguistic abilities
gave them an advantage over the native Iranians. They SOOD gained important
positions in the arts and sciences, the Iranian Oil Company, the caviar
industry, and dominated professions such as tailoring, shoemaking, photography,
auto-mechanics, and as well the managing of cafes and restaurants. Immigrants
and refugees from Russia continued to increase the Armenian community until
1933. World War Two gave the Armenians opportunities to increase their economic
power. The Allies decided to use Iran as a bridge to Russia. Western arms
and supplies were shipped through Iran and Armenians, with their knowledge
of Russian, played a major role in this endeavor. The Hnchaks, especially,
were active and the Iranian Communist Party had an Armenian contingent.
The majority of the Armenians remained loyal to the Dashnaks, while the
minority, who had communist sympathies, either went underground or left
with the Iranian Socialists when they fled to Russia in 1946. In 1953 the
Iranian and few Armenian communists made a brief comeback during the Mossadeq
period, but the return of the shah, once again decimated their ranks. Most
Armenians, under Dashnak leadership, however, had remained neutral or loyal
to the regime and were rewarded by the shah. For the next quarter of the
century Armenian fortunes rose in Iran, and Tehran, Tabriz, and Isfahan
became major centers with some 250,000 Armenians. The shah trusted and liked
his Armenian subjects and Tehran, like Beirut, became a major center of
Armenian life. Armenian churches, schools, cultural centers, sports clubs
and associations flourished and Armenians had their own senator and member
of parliament. Thirty churches and some four dozen schools and libraries
served the needs of the community. Armenian presses published numerous books,
journals, periodicals, and newspapers, such as The Wave (Alik). The better
educated upper classes, however, were fewer in number and, compared to their
counterparts in Lebanon, were relatively unproductive culturally.
Although the Islamic Revolution has ended the second golden age of the Armenian
community in Iran, the community has not lost its prominence altogether.
Ayatollah Khomeini's restrictions, the Iran-Iraq War, and the economic problems
resulting from Iran's isolation, forced the exodus of 100,000 Armenians.
The current government is more accommodating and Armenians, unlike the Kurds
and Iranian Azeris, have their own schools, clubs, and maintain most of
their churches. The fall of the Soviet Union, the common border with Armenia,
and the Armeno-Iranian diplomatic and economic agreements have opened a
new era for the Iranian Armenians.
The genocide, as we have seen, destroyed western Armenia and numerous other
Armenian centers in Turkey. By the Second World War, Constantinople or Istanbul
was the sole urban center with an Armenian presence. In 1945, an arbitrary
property tax on the minorities impoverished many Greek and Armenian businessmen.
Ten years later, mobs looted and burned Greek and Armenian businesses in
Istanbul. At present there are some 75,000 Armenians in Turkey, the majority
of whom live in Istanbul, where conditions, despite cultural pressures and
occasional hostile acts, are not as unfavorable as one may imagine. Twenty
schools, some three dozen churches, and a hospital maintain a strong Armenian
identity. A number of Armenian newspapers, including the daily Marmara continue
to publish, and Armenian organizations go about collecting donations and
sponsoring cultural activities. The Armenian patriarch is also invited to
official Turkish state ceremonies. Major problems include the lack of a
seminary, Armenian institutions of higher education, and linguistic assimilation.
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